Companies, like Procter and Gamble (P&G), use this time of year to push cause marketing: a for-profit business using a not-for-profit’s cause to market their product. So even though cyclopentasiloxane—an ingredient shown to cause cancerous tumours in test animals—is the first ingredient in P&G’s Secret Scent Expressions deodorant, people can feel good buying their products because they have plans to donate US$100,000 to the American Cancer Society. This is pinkwashing, where companies mask the bad (sometimes cancerous) parts of their products by exploiting women’s vulnerability to breast cancer.

“Raising money has become the priority,” says Dr. Samantha King in Pink Ribbons, Inc. “Regardless of the consequences.” Distributed by the National Film Board, and directed by Lea Pool, the 2011 Canadian documentary is based off of King’s book of the same title. In it people such as Barbara Ehrenreich, a writer and breast cancer survivor, talk about how the capitalism of breast cancer awareness is serving as a distraction from how the movement originally started, with a sisterhood critically looking at the health care system.

“To expect you to add social purpose to your business just because it’s a good thing to do, is foolish,” writes Olivia Khalili of Cause Capitalism.  “You have a bottom-line and other obligations to meet.  You don’t have extra resources to allocate to ‘doing good.’”

Obviously businesses have a bottom line that doesn’t include helping others for the goodness of it. But where is this money really going? Walks and parties are fun—I’ve done fundraising for cancer research efforts myself—but after the high of solidarity wears off, and the hype dies down, we must ask: what progress health care wise has been made?

A former This intern, Hillary Di Menna is in her first year of the gender and women’s studies program at York University. She also maintains an online feminist resource directory, FIRE- Feminist Internet Resource Exchange.

Gideon Forman. Photo by Robin Hart Hiltz.

That Gideon Forman is an activist should come as no surprise. The child of New York peace activists, he spent his 1960s childhood handing out leaflets around his Greenwich Village home.

What is surprising is that this wiry man in his 40s has become one of Canada’s best environmental strategists and led a group of doctors into a head-on battle with a powerful chemical lobby—and won.

Forman is executive director of the Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment, a small group of environmentalist doctors. At least it was small. Since he took the job less than five years ago, membership has ballooned from 450 to over 5,000. Why the surge? Quite simply, the group set out on an ambitious and high-profile campaign for public health—not about hospital funding or the number of doctors in Canada, but about preventing the sorts of pollution that harm public health.

“The idea of doctors protecting the environment makes sense to people,” Forman says. “Also there’s been huge interest in the pesticides campaign.”

Forman left New York’s hippie enclave and moved north when he was just eight years old. It was the era of Pierre Elliott Trudeau and socialized health care. Canada sounded good to his peacenik parents, and the family left crowded Manhattan for the cleaner streets of Toronto. As he grew up, he followed his parents’ example and got involved in the peace movement. It was there that Forman’s greatest asset came to light. He’s able to see connections between groups and causes and bring together as allies groups that never collaborated before. With the Canadian Peace Alliance in the early 1990s, that meant reaching out to social justice groups involved in East Timor.

As that decade came to an end, Forman was working with Strategic Communications, a company that specializes in campaign strategy and fundraising for unions, charities, and non-profits. It was progressive work, but Forman craved the chance to focus on one campaign that mattered. After a decade at Strategic Communications, he was finding the work “too diffuse,” he says. “I was working on the Canadian Cancer Society, World Wildlife Fund, and gun control, and a bunch of stuff. I really wanted to specialize […] I really wanted to throw myself into one thing. Increasingly in my late 30s, the environment became my passion.”

He began volunteering with the Toronto Environmental Alliance, working on a city-wide ban on cosmetic pesticides. It was a good fit, and when a job opened up to lead the Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment in 2004, he jumped at the chance to head an organization already working on pesticides and other toxic issues.

What he jumped into was a vitriolic battle with doctors and environmentalists on one side and pesticide applicators and chemical companies on another. Public support for a pesticide ban was good, but the campaign needed a little extra push. He came up with a brilliant strategy, and called the Canadian Cancer Society.

Groups like the Canadian Cancer Society traditionally focus on research for cures more than on fighting environmental causes. But as causes of cancer other than smoking became more and more clear, the society became more environmentalist. Forman recognized this and worked to enlist the society’s support. Such a large and reputable group brought significant weight to the fight.

The strategy’s success became evident in London, Ontario, where the city council was set to vote on a pesticide ban. It was going to be a close vote, and the pro-ban camp needed to sway just a few councillors to get it through. Forman met with the local head of the Canadian Cancer Society. Would their members contact their councillors and tell them they wanted the pesticide ban?

“I asked her, could we call their folks and ask them to make this one political act,” he says. She responded that they only had a “small” base of volunteers in the community, perhaps 2,000. Forman’s jaw pretty much hit the floor. A volunteer base of 2,000 in a community is huge for any group. “She said yes. It was going out on a limb for them.”

It worked. The target councillors got more than 300 calls a week.

“That’s huge,” Forman says. “It’s like carpet-bombing for a small community.”

The pesticide ban passed easily. With the help of Forman’s umbrella approach, the Toronto Environmental Alliance, the Canadian Cancer Society, and many other local and national groups have brought about cosmetic pesticide bans in Ontario, P.E.I., New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Quebec. Today the focus is on Edmonton and Calgary, which Forman describes as “the gateway to the West.”

While he’s been wearing the mantle of Captain Pesticide Ban for more than half a decade, he’s not a one-issue wonder. Forman and CAPE are also busy on other issues, particularly climate change and green energy. Bringing the umbrella approach to the table and uniting doctors, nurses, the Canadian Cancer Society, the Canadian Lung Association, and other groups, they’re going to be formidable. But what else could Forman do?

“Climate change may be the defining issue of our generation,” he says. “Not being involved in it would be like not being in the Vietnam War issue in the peace movement of the 1960s.”

Microscopic image of Asbestos. Despite being banned here, Canada remains the West's biggest exporter of the deadly mineral.

Over the past two decades, Canada has spent millions stripping asbestos from the walls and ceilings of schools, the Parliament Buildings, and hospitals. The national outcry against asbestos has led to some government restrictions on its use and production, causing many Canadians to believe its heyday is over. Yet while the government has put effort into stamping out asbestos use at home, it’s put even more into boosting its use abroad.

In recent years, Canada has become the biggest western supporter of the asbestos trade. Kathleen Ruff, founder and coordinator of Right On Canada’s anti-asbestos campaign, says she believes the government’s success hinges on its ability to use Canada’s credibility as a marketing tool: “We use our reputation of helping others to oppose an international ban on asbestos and to fight the knowledge that asbestos is hazardous.”

For many, however, it’s no secret asbestos is dangerous. To date, asbestos is recognized as a carcinogen and is banned in all 27 European Union member countries, Australia, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Chile, and Japan. Not so in Canada, where politicians have repeatedly defied calls for a global asbestos ban from the World Health Organization, the Canadian Cancer Society, and the International Labour Organization.

Indeed, between 1999 and 2001, Canada’s government spent about $575,000 appealing France’s 1997 asbestos ban, only to have the World Trade Organization uphold it. Undeterred, in 2004 Canada successfully spearheaded a coalition of naysayers—Indonesia, India, Iran, Kyrgyzstan, Peru, Russia, Ukraine, and Zimbabwe—to block the addition of asbestos to the Rotterdam Convention, a chemical watchdog list.

Certainly, the Canadian government has a vested interest in keeping the asbestos trade alive. More than 240,000 tonnes of asbestos is mined each year in Quebec, 95 percent of which is shipped outside the country, making Canada the fourth largest exporter of asbestos in the world. The main destinations for Canadian asbestos are countries such as India and Pakistan, where safety regulations surrounding asbestos handling and use are either sparse or non-existent.

For Ruff, exporting asbestos is akin to exporting landmines: both continue to kill for decades. “Hundreds of millions of dollars have been spent to remove asbestos from buildings, schools, and hospitals around Canada,” she says. “There are huge costs associated with getting rid of asbestos once it’s in place and developing countries have none of that—they have no means of getting rid of it safely.”